Government Votes Down Mental Health Bill Aimed at Helping Patients & Their Families

18 March 2010

Media Release
Mental Health Bill Voted Down by National

The National Party put politics before mental health patients and their families when it voted against a bill to improve the delivery of mental health services last night, Luamanuvao Winnie Laban says.

The Mental Health (Compulsory Assessment and Treatment) Amendment Bill would have clarified and strengthened the role of families and whänau in caring for their loved ones suffering mental health problems, Winnie Laban said.

“Unfortunately, the bill did not progress to the health select committee after being voted down by the narrowest of margins, 62 – 60.

“The bill had the support of Labour, the Greens, the Progressives, United Future, the Maori Party and Sir Roger Douglas.

“The National Party and the remaining members of the Act party opposed the bill. The Associate Minister of Health Jonathan Coleman was thrown out of the debating chamber during a particularly heated exchange.

“National is ignoring the vital role and needs of families by voting against the Bill.

“Families and whänau have a very important role to play in the treatment and recovery of mental health patients. This Bill seeks to clarify their rights, to ensure that they are provided with sufficient information to make informed decisions about their loved ones, and about mental illness in general so that they are better equipped to give full support to their family member,” Winnie Laban said.

“If National thinks that current mental health practices help families and whänau in being as informed and involved as they can be, then they have no idea what is currently happening in the mental health sector.

“This bill came very close to getting through to Select Committee stage where a real debate could have taken place, but the National Party has instead denied practitioners, families and others the chance to make submissions.

“We had a chance to make a real difference to the lives of people suffering with mental illness, and the people in the best position to love and support them — their families. Shamefully, National has shut this down,” Winnie Laban says.


A Common Sight When Tsunami Warnings Are Issued

HONOLULU, HAWAII: A crowd of people watch Oahu’s southern shore in anticipation of a possible tsunami along Tantalus Drive in Honolulu, Hawaii on February 27(Sunday 28th, NZ Time), 2010 in Honolulu, Hawaii. Residents stocked up on food and emergency supplies in preparation for a potentially damaging tsunami, after a massive 8.8 magnitude earthquake hit central Chile which sent waves across the Pacific Ocean. Before evening Pacific Time the tsunami warning was canceled by the Tsunami Warning Center. In Chile so far over 100 deaths have been reported with numbers expected to rise. (Photo by Kent Nishimura/Getty Images).

Teresa Burge and Bill Bodnar of Calgary, Alberta, Canada walk along Waikiki Beach February 27, 2010 in Honolulu, Hawaii.

Jake Fender and Jason Heun sit atop their van on Round Top Drive on February 27, 2010 in Honolulu, Hawaii to await the tsunami.


Biggest Shake Up for NZ Health System On The Way; Map and List of PHOs Included

NZ Herald report this morning on the biggest shake up for primary health care services. If this jargon means nothing, these are your primary health organisations or PHOs. Your local GP, local health centres, medical surgeries, local after hours emergency services and so on.

It is the first time that this plan has received a public airing but it has obviously been in the Health Minister’s pipeline for some months. Before Christmas, we heard drastic cuts on the way for PHOs, which number over 80, with others since absorbed by government and the environment. Government plans were to reduce that down to 20-something PHOs.

Map: Location of PHOs Around the Country
List of PHOs in New Zealand

Primary health services are about to undergo their biggest shake-up in nearly a decade, shifting some hospital services into the community and creating new super-clinics.

The kinds of services the integrated family health centres might offer are expected to include minor skin surgery, referral to diagnostic imaging and consultations with hospital specialists.

The shake-up is also likely to help meet Health Minister Tony Ryall’s aim to halve the number of primary health organisations (PHOs), the contracting groups that now sit between district health boards and health providers such as GPs and nursing practices. Read more of this NZ Herald story.


Could Waitangi 2010 Mark A New Mood in NZ Race Relations?


PAIHIA, NEW ZEALAND – FEBRUARY 05, 2010: New Zealand Prime Minister John Key sits alongside Titewhai Harawira, a Ngapuhi kuia (elder) after being welcomed onto TeTii Marae on February 5, 2010 in Waitangi, New Zealand.  Next to Harawira is (Right) Finance Minister Bill English, Maori Party MP for Waiariki Te Ururoa Flavell,  and  Fisheries and Housing Minister MP for Whangarei Phil Heatley. The National-led Government has been in power for just over a year after being in Opposition for nine years.  This is John Key’s first term as Prime Minister. Waitangi Day is the national day of New Zealand, a public holiday held on February 6 each year to celebrate the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi. The treaty is New Zealand’s founding document, signed on February 6, 1840. (Photo by Phil Walter/Getty Images).

By Vienna Richards

With John Key due to give a keynote speech on race relations on the Treaty Grounds of Waitangi on our national day today, it begs a few questions. So the Prime Minister is serious about improving race relations improving in New Zealand? I sincerely hope so. We need that kind of leadership from the top.

First, so far so good in Waitangi, as far as fisty cuffs go. No one has yet struck at, or bared their buttock, at a visiting dignitary on Waitangi, unless you count the bare-bottomed Maori warrior yesterday. His only piece of clothing was material covering his loins. The rest was a free show. But today is the Big Day, Waitangi itself,  and if anything is going to happen, it will happen on this day.

In the past, few Prime Ministers, and Prime Ministers-in-waiting, have been spared the wrath of racial injustice that such a day evokes. At this stage, it looks like the Prime Minister will leave Waitangi without the diplomatic protection squad needed to jump in front of him.

Now, back to one begging question. (That’s all I’ve got time for). I have just watched the Great Waitangi Debate on Marae, TV One this morning. Well, bits of it. It didn’t hold my interest long enough with a teenager ready to go to his American Football game. But as I listened to the debate, one question rose out of the blue:

Would the Prime Minister John Key accept his son or daughter dating a brown man or woman in New Zealand, particularly a young Maori or Pacific Island? Yes or No.

If he can answer yes to that, then I’ll know that I can take his race relations speech seriously. Otherwise, it’s just another puff piece from a slick speechwriter. One that is more about looking good, rather than a genuine wish list of race relations in New Zealand.

Why THAT Question?

An email via the website from one reader, who identified as a Kiwi living in Oz, prompted me to respond further on this topic. She isn’t impressed with my question aimed at John Key.  With all respect, she missed my point  It was not about who would be the most suitable partners. It was: would you let them if they wanted to…? Based on her reaction,  my hunch is  she does not belong to a racial minority.  Nor does she identify as Maori or Pacific.  So I don’t expect that she would get the historical background to my question.  I suspect she has never had to navigate, and live and work between two or three worlds in Aotearoa New Zealand.

To those who have never experienced racism on a personal level, it will be easy to belittle my assertion. How so? If racism has never touched your life in the home, in the workplace or at school,  then in my experience, you’ll miss the “knowing” that is spoken only within the safety and comfort of our kitchen tables.

In the early 90s, as apartheid South Africa was beginning to dismantle its racially segregated systems, President F.W De Klerk was the public face of a racially tolerant South Africa. For the benefit of readers who were too young to care or follow its history, apartheid South Africa was a country that previously legally sanctioned racism at every level of life from the bedroom to school to eating places to Parliament. For example, interracial marriage was prohibited in apartheid South Africa. It was a criminal offence to have sexual relations with a person of a different race.

De Klerk was the moderate voice for white Afrikaners. One ready to share political power with those  they had previously subjugated for generations.

Come 1990, De Klerk delivered his famous and controversial speech on the 2nd February 1990 which announced the release of Nelson Mandela after 27 years as a political prisoner.

As a 20-something, I saw De Klerk, the public politician, as progressive and color-blind. I accepted his public speech as part and parcel of his psyche as a man and a father. He defied angry threats and calls from many white Afrikaners who refused to let apartheid go. He stood up against generations of national and institutionalised racism in a country that didn’t know any different.

On Sunday 11 February 1990,  De Klerk publicly released Nelson Mandela from prison. His release was broadcast live around the world. I was one of millions  who stayed up all night to wait for the live satellite broadcast from Johannesburg. It marked a new dawn for apartheid South Africa.

That same day, I ended my boycott of South African products in support of government and grassroots efforts around the world to pressure South Africa to end apartheid.

A long story short, De Klerk went on to win a Nobel Peace Prize. He was feted by the world as a leader who made a difference in race relations. He ended the banning of anti-apartheid groups. He pleaded for all South Africans to work towards a new nonracial democratic constitution.

Yet in his personal life, while he dismantled apartheid laws publicly, De Klerk struggled to dismantle the same attitudes within his own home when his son Willem began dating a “mixed race” woman. Their relationship, which lead to an engagement, did not last under reported pressures from the De Klerk household.

Despite all his rhetoric, De Klerk could not put into practice his own speech about a “new South Africa” in his own home. That’s a global example, of course, from a big gone era. But news coverage of a few years ago showed those attitudes still prevalent in the country. And yes, New Zealand is worlds away from South Africa’s former apartheid system, thank goodness.

But here’s the big reveal: in the privacy of one-on-one conversations with people in Aotearoa, I am, now and then, taken aback when one says bluntly, they would not let their child date a Maori or Pacific person.  It’s not a common experience  here, to be fair. But then again, I largely ignore signs of racism, even when “beware” hazard lights are flashing in neon. I just plough right ahead and disregard the  warning signs because they don’t matter to me. Truly. Because I know who I am. I know who I belong to and who created me. So I don’t define myself on the views of racists of any colour, including my own.

Colour and cultural definitions of self?  In daily life, colour-blind is my preferred vision. Though others may try, I  refuse to define myself purely in cultural or colour terms. There’s more to this brown skin than colour. And it isn’t always white-on-brown-or-black racism that I’ve seen. Sometimes it’s brown against brown.  (I’m using colour definition purely for the sake of brevity). I hear pockets of  ambiguous views about our melting pot, from the voices of otherwise tolerant and accepting New Zealanders ,who support racial equality as long as their child doesn’t date  someone of a different colour or race.  Those are not isolated views and they’re not confined to so-called rednecks, by the way.

So these days, because of what I’ve seen and heard in my lifetime in New Zealand, I’m not interested in clever speeches about race relations from a leader of any country, political party or organisation.  Dare I say it, I am far from alone on that. Live that speech  inside your home first before you sell it to the masses.  Show me that it’s more than political rhetoric aimed at winning the next place in history. Then, believe me, if that be so with the PM, THEN I’ll take Key’s ‘nationhood’ speech seriously.

No disrespect intended. But I do rest my case.

Insight on Racism, NZ radio documentary by Radio New Zealand’s Pacific Correspondent Richard Pamatatau.

John Key’s Waitangi Speech.


Photos in Review: Waitangi 2009; What’s To Be Expected This Year?


WAITANGI, NZ, 5th Feb 2009: Silent  marchers walking on Treaty Grounds at Waitangi.

The biggest controversy at Waitangi last year was the assault on Prime Minister John Key by two members of the crowd, who were later arrested and charged. What is almost always missed at Waitangi, from the media coverage, are the calmer scenes of the day. This year promises to be an interesting news day at Waitangi: it will be the first time in as many years that a number of international dignitaries will return to Waitangi for the day; Hone Harawira  and the Maori Flag; and the Tongan followers of Josh Liava’a mislead into seeking refuge with Ngapuhi over their immigration status. Meanwhile, back to 2009,  a lo0k back at the stories that made the front page and the lesser known scenes of the day. Photos by Sandra Mu/Getty Images.

WAITANGI, NEW ZEALAND – FEBRUARY 05: Hone Harawira, a Maori Party MP listens as New Zealand Prime Minister John Key is welcomed onto Te Tii Marae on February 5, 2009 in Waitangi, New Zealand. Waitangi Day is the national day of New Zealand which is a public holiday held each year on February 6 to celebrate the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi, New Zealand’s founding document, on that date in 1840. Read the rest of this entry »


Photos: The Faces of Haiti After The Quake

PORT-AU-PRINCE, HAITI: A Haitian man holds the photo of his dead son at the GOC university ruins on January 19, 2010 in Port-au-Prince, Haiti. Humanitarian aid is beginning to reach many of the survivors of last week’s deadly magnitude 7.0 earthquake amid fatalities estimated in the tens of thousands and widespread devastation. (Photo by Uriel Sinai/Getty Images)


Miche Guerieri, 21, sits on a boat with her six-week-old baby after spending three days on a crowded ship off the coast of Port-au-Prince January 20, 2010 in Port-au-Prince, Haiti. Hundreds of displaced Haitians have taken refuge on ships in Haiti’s damaged port inlets, waiting for boats to help them escape from the squalid, earthquake-damaged capital.

Aid has started trickling out to Haitians devastated by last weeks earthquake that ravaged the country, though many fear not enough will reach desparate citizens in time to prevent humanitarian catastrophe. (Photo by Chris Hondros/Getty Images).


Haitians wait in line for the distribution of food by members of the 2nd brigade of the 82nd Airborne January 19, 2010 in the town of Terra Noire just outside Port-au-Prince.

Scenes in Haiti This Week


Photos: Earthquake Shatters Haiti

PORT-AU-PRINCE, HAITI: A father carries his daughter after a major earthquake on January 12, 2010 in Port-au-Prince, Haiti. A 7.0 earthquake rocked Haiti, followed by at least a dozen aftershocks, causing widespread devastation in the capital of Port-au-Prince. (Photo by Frederic Dupoux/Getty Images).

People search for survivors amongst the rubble of the Caribbean Super Market in Delmas. (Photo by Frederic Dupoux/Getty Images).

A wounded person is carried on a stretcher. (Photo by Frederic Dupoux/Getty Images)

A woman faints in the arms of a medic in an emergency clinic in Petionville.

A private house in Petion-ville Rue Louverture is badly damaged. (Photo by Frederic Dupoux/Getty Images)

Gregor Avril, the executive director of the Haitian Association of Industry, helps a wounded child with the support of artist/musician Mikaben.

Women wait on the floor at the emergency clinic of Petionville.(Photo by Frederic Dupoux/Getty Images)

Survivors sit in an emergency clinic in Petionville.(Photo by Frederic Dupoux/Getty Images)

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United Nations Climate Change Conference: Political Report from the Ground

COPENHAGEN, DENMARK : Prince Charles, The Prince of Wales (C) seated between UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon (L) and Yvo de Boer Executive Secretary of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change await the start of the opening ceremony of the High Level Segment of The United Nations Climate Change Conference on December 15, 2009 in Copenhagen, Denmark. Politicians and environmentalists are meeting for the United Nations Climate Change Conference 2009 that runs until December 18. Some of the participating nation’s leaders will attend the last days of the summit. (Photo by Peter Macdiarmid/Getty Images)

An on-the-ground view from Charles Chauvel, a New Zealand Member of Parliament, who is currently in Copenhagen attending the UN Climate Change Summit. Chauvel, a lawyer of Tahitian and Scottish descent, is the Climate Change Spokesperson for the Labour Opposition. He has given pacificEyeWitness.org permission to publish his post here.

COP15 – What will come of Copenhagen?

By Charles Chauvel in Copenhagen

Day 4 for me today.  Yesterday, the developing nations staged a walkout from the negotiations.  This was largely to dramatise their concern about the developed world’s unwillingness to taken on meaningful pollution reduction targets.  After negotiations were suspended, there was a lot of discussion over what would happen here over the four days of the Conference that remain. To simplify massively, there are four big sticking points in the way of reaching a comprehensive agreement -  the targets each country adopts; the level of compensation to be paid to developing countries; the best way to measure and police each nation’s emissions; and how the Copenhagen agreement takes over from the Kyoto Protocol.

Based on what veterans of the process have been saying, the consensus is that there are four alternative scenarios for how the week will end up:

1. A comprehensive agreement with detailed rules. Unfortunately, given the complexity of the issues that remain to be agreed, and the fact that the US is not a party to the Kyoto Protocol, but is the key player in terms of making commitments for its replacement, this seems virtually impossible.  The US has only really been engaging since President Obama’s coming into office in January, and although considerable progress has been made, including developing countries voluntarily agreeing to some fairly impressive emissions reduction targets, an enormous amount of detail still has to be resolved.

2. A political framework with minimal detail. This seems to be the best outcome that can be hoped for.  Under it, countries will agree to a set of principles and goals that lack final numbers, with those numbers being negotiated in the two years between now and the expiry of the Kyoto Protocol.  This is in fact how Kyoto itself came about – in 1995, countries agreed the “Berlin Mandate” which two years later became the detailed set of rules we now know as the Protocol.

Former U.S. Vice President Al Gore listens to speakers at the opening ceremony of the High Level Segment of The United Nations Climate Change Conference.

3. A ‘greenwash’ agreement. Under this scenario, countries paper over their many disagreements but fail to make and real progress, or agree further steps.  A high level statement of concern, but no agreed timetable for concrete actions, would be the outcome.  In many ways, the worst possible outcome because it would take huge effort to get things back on track.

4. A dramatic failure. Developing nations,especially small island states at risk of devastation from climate change,  frustrated at a lack of commitment from wealthy countries, walk out of the negotiations permanently because they won’t agree to a greenwash.  Some new framwork would need to be found going forward, potentially via individual UN bodies like the Food and Agriculture Organisation on land use change and forestry, and International Martime Organisation and IATA on bunker fuels.

Delegation from Bhutan awaits the start of the opening ceremony of the High Level Segment of The United Nations Climate Change Conference.

The NZ officials from MFAT, MFE and MAF are really well thought of here – as opposed to the political leaders from NZ.  The officials are seen as having worked hard for many years on the technical issues at stake, and have a reputation for diligence, honesty and integrity.  Thank goodness for them, even if they make our current Government look better than it deserves.  It would not surprise me if the officials end up playing an important role in brokering any forward deal.  Hopefully there will be one!


Police Shooting Suspect Killed Early This Morning

This morning (USA 1 Dec/NZ 2 Dec) Maurice Clemmons, the suspect wanted for the killing of four Washington police officers, was shot dead in South Seattle by a police officer doing a routine check of a stolen car.

Police investigate the scene where suspect Maurice Clemmons was shot and killed by a patrol officer early December 1, 2009 in Seattle, Washington. Clemmons was the subject of a massive manhunt after he allegedly killed four Lakewood, Washington police officers in a suburban coffee shop November 29, 2009. Four other people are in custody for allegedly helping the suspect elude authorities. (Photo by Stephen Brashear/Getty Images). Content © 2009 Getty Images All rights reserved. Read the rest of this entry »


NZ Parliament Expresses Sympathy to Samoa, American Samoa, Tonga: Peter Dunne

Transcript of Yesterday’s Parliamentary Motion at 2pm.

Speakers:

  1. Prime Minister John Key
  2. Labour Deputy Leader Annette King
  3. Green Party Co-Leader Russell Norman
  4. Act Party David Garrett
  5. Maori Party Co-Leader Dr Pita Sharples
  6. Progressive Leader Jim Anderton
  7. United Future Peter Dunne
  8. Labour Luamanuvao Winnie Laban
  9. National Peseta Sam Lotu-Iiga
  10. Labour Su’a William Sio

Pacific Islands—Tsunami

Hon PETER DUNNE (Leader—United Future) : From time to time in this House we pass a resolution to pay tribute to someone who has passed on, to lament some tragic event, or to note some extraordinary achievement. But it is a very rare occasion to pass a resolution that deals with an issue so tragic and so close to home. In the aftermath of the tsunami that struck Samoa, American Samoa, and Tonga on 30 September, many of us checked with our friends and colleagues who come from those countries whether their families had been affected, how they were feeling, and what the impact on them was. It had a very immediate and powerful influence on all of us, and our hearts go out to all those who have suffered loss, to all those who are now looking in the middle of the debris and wondering how on earth they can put life back together again.

When the first reports started to come through that there had been a powerful earthquake in the Pacific and that the emergency centre in Hawaii was predicting some form of tsunami, I do not think any of us could have imagined what was about to unfold. The messages were confused and chaotic, which raises some issues that I know the Minister of Civil Defence has under review, but as the day went on and the scope of the tragedy unfolded, and we started to realised what devastation had been wreaked upon those islands, we too started to realise our vulnerability—not just as a nation and not just as a people, but our individual vulnerability in such circumstances.

I suppose it is natural—and it is a good thing about this country—that New Zealand has responded the way it has: the emergency programmes that the Prime Minister referred to in his address, the individual acts of generosity, and the kindnesses and support that have been shown by so many to those who have been affected. We do it because it is instinctive. We do it because although we do not understand precisely the scale of the tragedy, we know it is beyond immediate comprehension. We know that it will not simply be put right tomorrow. It will take many, many years of effort and hardship to overcome that tragedy, and all the while the threat is there of another one tomorrow.

An occasion like this is an opportunity for this Parliament to express its support for those who are suffering, its confidence in those who are working to provide for their relief, and its unity in terms of generally reflecting the overall human condition at a time like this. This is a time of great sadness, and it is a time of great learning, not just for the people who have been affected but also for countries like ours, which have their own vulnerabilities. But even with the best preparation in the world, there comes a time when forces far greater will have their say, and that will be the real test of the human spirit. I believe that in this country and in Samoa, American Samoa, Tonga, and the other parts of the Pacific that have been affected by similar tragedies in recent times the human spirit has shone through strongly. Long may it continue to do so, because that is our ultimate strength and our ultimate capacity to survive.


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